Write a 1,050- to 1,400-word paper in which you analyze cross-cultural psychology

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Psychology

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ORIGINAL WORK ONLY (NO PLAGIARISM) Write a 1,050- to 1,400-word paper in which you analyze cross-cultural psychology. As a part of your analysis, do the following: Provide an overview of the case study. Use the case study to provide a definition and an example of cultural and cross-cultural psychology. Analyze the relationship between cultural psychology and cross-cultural psychology. Discuss the methodology associated with cross-cultural psychology research. Discuss how the case study helps you better understand how ethnicity, race, and worldviews are separate yet related concepts. Discuss how enculturation may play a role in the case study you have chosen. Incorporate a minimum of three credible, peer-reviewed references. Format your paper consistent with APA guidelines. Regarding this article: Group-Level and Intraindividual Stability of National Stereotypes: A Four- Year Longitudinal Study on Ingrian Finn Immigrants’ Pre-and Postmigration Stereotypes of a Typical Finn. In a 4-year longitudinal study, we investigated stereotype change in the context of increased intergroup contact. Specifically, using one pre- and two postmigration measurement points, we followed some 200 Ingrian Finns and their families migrating from Russia to Finland. Stereotypes of a typical Finn were conceptualized within the framework provided by Schwartz’s values theory. At the group level, migrants’ stereotype profiles were consensual, similar to Finns’s autostereo- types, somewhat accurate, and highly stable. However, mean-level changes indicated a process of disillusionment: Finns were increasingly perceived as less benevolent and more hedonistic. We argue that personal contact changes aspects of stereotypes related to communal characteristics, whereas contact with cultural institutions influences perceptions of conservativeness. Probably due to political climate, Finns were increasingly perceived as adhering to tradition and security values over stimulation.Although individual-level stereotypes were only moderately stable and stereotype change was heterogeneous, we could not predict individual-level changes. From Herodotus’s 5th century B.C.E. depiction of Egyptians as the wisest people of all mankind to Hollywood’s contemporary portrayal of the bad Arab, national stereotypes—beliefs about the characteristics of people from different countries—have fascinated scientists and laypeople alike. It could therefore be considered surprising how little is actually known about the processes 1Institute of Behavioural Sciences, University of Helsinki, Finland 2Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki, Finland through which national stereotypes are formed. Yet such knowledge could in today’s shrinking world be of considerable importance. The present study asks, in a migration setting, how increased contact affects national stereotypes. This could shed some light on the mechanisms through which national stereotypes are formed. The present 4-year longitudinal study investigated how Ingrian Finn and Russian migrants’ premigration stereotypes of native Finnish host nationals changed postmigration. Stereotype change was investigated both at the level of the group and at the level of the individual. We were interested both in the content of the stereotype and the consensus with which it was held. Stability and Change in Group-Level National Stereotypes On the level of the group (that is, aggregated across individuals), the content of national stereo- types has been reported to be highly stable. Most important in this respect is a series of studies concerning the ethnic and national stereotypes of Princeton University students (Gilbert, 1951; Karlins, Coffman, & Walters, 1969; Katz & Braly, 1933; Madon et al., 2001), the results of which can perhaps best be summarized as suggesting that the content of stereotypes does change, but that this happens very slowly, taking decades. Regarding shorter periods of time, ranging from a couple of weeks to 5 years, the content of group-level stereotypes has been shown to be highly stable (e.g., Garcia-Marques, Santos, & Mackie, 2006; Realo et al., 2009; Rothbart & John, 1993). Also testifying to the stability of national stereotypes, they are strongly affected by relatively stable factors such as climatic warmth and national prosperity (McCrae, Terraciano, McCrae, & Allik, 2007), whereas more short-term factors, such as government policies, appear to have only little impact (Terraciano & McCrae, 2007). National stereotypes have not previously been investigated in a migration context. Examining the stability of national stereotypes in such a context of heightened intergroup contact could help illuminate some of the processes through which national stereotypes are formed. The migration context should be especially well suited for investigating the kernel of truth hypothesis (e.g., Allport, 1954/1978; Brigham, 1971), which suggests that national stereotypes are to some extent accurate, reflecting real differences between people. If this is correct, then increased contact should lead to increased accuracy. Despite the plausibility of the kernel of truth hypothesis, it has been challenged by some recent empirical results. Terracciano et al. (2005) had respondents from 49 countries provide self-ratings of personality and rate the personality of a typical member of their cultural group. Comparison of these two sets of ratings revealed that stereotypes did not correspond with average self-ratings. One reason for this could be that people generally have little experience with other cultures and may therefore lack a reference point for rating their own culture (Robins, 2005). A related possibility is that autostereotypes (stereotypes of one’s own nation) are erroneous, but heterostereotypes (stereotypes of other nations) are more truthful (Robins, 2005). Taking a dif- ferent approach to studying the accuracy of national stereotypes, Church and Katigbak (2002) asked Americans and Filipinos who had lived in both America and the Philippines for at least 3 years to judge the personality traits of Filipinos and Americans. These ratings were not correlated with average self-ratings of personality obtained from American and Filipino samples. Challenging the above results according to which national stereotypes are not accurate, a seven-country study by Realo et al. (2009) showed that when the same measurement instrument was used to assess both personality and national character stereotype, relatively good agreement between self-ratings and autostereotypes was found. Such agreement was also reported for Ingrian Finn and Russian potential migrants’ premigration stereotypes regarding the personal values of a typical Finnish host national (Lönnqvist, Yijälä, Jasinskaja-Lahti, & Verkasalo, 2012). The present research design, in which we longitudinally monitor these same migrants throughout the migration process, should be ideal for investigating the kernel of truth hypothesis. Increased firsthand experience with a country and its residents could also have other effects than increased accuracy. Heterostereotypes of Americans (Terraciano & McCrae, 2007) and Russians (Realo et al., 2009) have been shown to converge with autostereotypes. Direct contact could lead to increased knowledge of the autostereotype, and the heterostereotype could thus be expected to become more similar to the autostereotype. There may also be migration-specific effects on national stereotypes. Based on previous results, one could expect stereotypes to become either more or less positive. Migration will nec- essarily involve increased intergroup contact, and if satisfactory, this contact could lead to increased favorability towards the outgroup (for a meta-analysis, see Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). However, the opposite effect could be expected if the postmigration contact is negative or dis- criminatory. Typically, the contact hypothesis literature conceives of intergroup contact as gen- eral contact evaluated, e.g., for its pleasantness or superficiality. But intergroup contact may for migrants also involve experiences of outgroup rejection and ethnic discrimination. For example, our recent studies conducted with the same sample of participants have shown that immigrants who, after migration, perceived more negative intergroup contact than they had expected, were more likely to disidentify from the national majority group and to increasingly show negative attitudes toward this group (Jasinskaja-Lahti, Mähönen, & Liebkind, 2012; Jasinskaja-Lahti, Mähönen, & Ketokivi, in press; Mähönen, & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2012). Similarly, a study on Jewish adolescents from Russia and Ukraine participating in an Israeli immigration program showed that premigration idealization of the receiving country was typically replaced by postmi- gration disillusionment (Tartakovsky, 2009a). The stereotypes of host nationals could thus become more negative postmigration. Besides content, another important aspect of national stereotypes is the extent to which they are consensual (i.e., the extent to which people agree on which characteristics describe a group). In general, the more consensual stereotypes are, the more often those stereotypes will be con- fronted, and the more they will thereby shape the behavior of the stereotyped group (e.g., Chen & Bargh, 1997). The above mentioned Princeton trilogy and its follow-ups have provided mixed evidence regarding the long-term stability of stereotype consensus, with some studies suggesting decreased (Devine & Elliot, 1995 ; Dovidio & Gaertner, 1986) and others increased (Madon et al., 2001) consensus. Similarly, regarding the effect of increased intergroup contact on stereotype consensus, the empirical evidence does not allow for any straightforward conclusions. Some studies have shown consensus to decrease with increased familiarity with the stereotyped group (e.g., Katz & Schank, 1938), but others have uncovered the opposite pattern (e.g., Schoenfeld, 1942). Stability and Change at the Level of the Individual There are extremely few studies on the intraindividual stability of stereotypes. One unpublished study, described by Rothbart and John (1993), showed that although the group-level stability of ethnic stereotypes was, across a 4-year interval, extremely high, the individual-level stability of stereotypes was only moderate. Another study showed a similar pattern of results, with extremely high group-level stability, but only moderate intraindividual stability over a time period of a couple of weeks (Garcia-Marques et al., 2006). Examining stereotype change at the intraindividual level could in several ways contribute to our understanding regarding the processes that influence stereotypes. First, intraindividual anal- ysis allows for the examination of how similar the process of stereotype change is across indi- viduals. Due to lack of empirical research, very little is known about the extent to which stereotype change is consensual. However, this type of knowledge could be vital, as it directly speaks to the extent to which stereotype change is influenced by common experiences: The more consensual stereotype change is, the more likely it is to be influenced by common experiences of societal and institutionalized forces, such as television programs, newspapers, books, films, and political leaders. In the present context, the question is whether the migration process has a uni- form impact on stereotypes or whether some migrants’ stereotypes change in one way and others’ in some other way. Related to the above, if the process of stereotype change is not uniform across individuals, it could be meaningful to examine the associations of stereotype change with other individual-level variables. Because migrants’ experiences of intergroup contact are likely to vary between indi- viduals, the intergroup contact hypothesis described above could also find support at this level of analysis: Increased quantity and especially good quality of interaction with native Finns could render the stereotype of Finns more positive. By contrast, experiences of discrimination could have the opposite effect. Also, the disillusionment process, described above at the level of the group, could be expected to be found at the level of the individual—those with more positive premigration feelings toward Finns could experience more profound postmigration changes in their stereotype of Finns. On the other hand, such migrants may have experienced more premi- gration contact with Finns, rendering their stereotypes less susceptible to change. Purpose of the Present Research The present study is part of larger longitudinal research project (Intervening at the Premigration Stage: Providing Tools for Promoting Integration and Adaptation Throughout the Migration Process [INPRES]) that followed a sample of Ingrian Finns and their families in the context of migration from Russia to Finland. National stereotypes were measured within the framework provided by Schwartz’s (1992) theory on personal values. Values are concepts or beliefs that act as standards of what is most desirable in the appraisal of events, actions, and people. Values diverge from attitudes in that they transcend particular situations, are organized within an individual according to importance, establish criterions of desirability, and are fewer and more crucial to personality than are attitudes. Due to the scarcity of previous longitudinal research on stereotype change, the complete lack of such research in a context of increased intergroup contact and the often inconsistent findings reviewed above, exact predictions were difficult to make. However, we did expect stereotypes to be relatively stable at the level of the group but individuals to show much less stability (Garcia- Marques et al., 2006; Rothbart & John, 1993). Regarding the content of stereotypes, during the migration process, Ingrian Finns’ and Russians’ stereotypes of Finns could, as a result of increased contact, be expected to become more accurate (supporting the kernel of truth hypothesis; Realo et al., 2009; cf., Church & Katigbak, 2002; Terraciano et al., 2005) but also to become more simi- lar to the autostereotypes of Finns (Realo et al., 2009; Terraciano et al., 2005). Regarding the latter, these were, in the present study, measured in a sample of Finnish students—previous research suggests students’ national stereotypes to be generalizable to the whole population (Terraciano et al., 2005). Based on the contact hypothesis (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006), the content of migrants’ stereotype of Finns could be expected to become more positive. However, the oppo- site could also be true, as migrants may during the postmigration phase become disillusioned with their host country (Tartakovsky, 2009a). Another set of questions relates to consensus. How consensual are stereotypes, and how con- sensual is stereotype change over time? Regarding the former question, previous findings are very mixed (e.g., Katz & Schanck, 1938; Schoenfeld, 1942), and there is no research on the latter question. This forced a rather exploratory approach to these questions. It seems plausible to expect that individuals’ stereotypes may change in different ways and that such individual differences could be predictable. Those with more premigration experience of Finland could already have a rather stable stereotype, less susceptible to change. Furthermore, their premigration stereotype could be more positive (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). In our previous studies, using the premigration data of the INPRES project, the more positive the premigration contact of potential migrants with Finnish host nationals, the more positive were their attitudes toward Finns and the less they anticipated discrimination and adaptation problems after migra- tion (Jasinskaja-Lahti & Yijälä, 2011; Yijälä & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2010). However, as stated ear- lier, these positive experiences and expectations could also render them more vulnerable to postmigration disillusionment (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2012; Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., in press Mähönen & Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2012; Tartakovsky, 2009a, 2009b). Importantly, not all intergroup contact may influence stereotypes similarly: Satisfactory contact was expected to be associated with increased favorability toward the national majority group (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006), but the opposite effect was expected when postmigration contact had been experienced as discriminatory. Regarding methodology, we decided to analyze the Ingrian Finn migrants (so-called primary applicants of Finnish descent) and their family members (spouses of mostly Russian ethnicity), as separate samples, as the two groups could have been expected to differ in some respects (e.g., the Ingrian Finns could have experienced more contact with Finns prior to migration). This methodological decision also served to keep all observations independent. Method Participants and Procedure Finnish students. Autostereotypes of Finns were measured in a sample of 38 Finnish students (8 males; mean age = 34.8, SD = 11.1; range = 21 to 58) taking part in an introductory course in psychology arranged by the University of Helsinki. Participants rated online the values of a typi- cal Finn. The course was an Open University course (anyone can attend these courses), and therefore, the mean age was somewhat higher than in more typical student samples, arguably contributing to the representativeness of the sample. The low number of males in our sample may raise some concerns; however, mean male and female stereotype profiles were virtually identical (r = .96; independent samples t tests for equality in means also revealed no differences between males and females, for all 10 values, t < 1.8, p > .05). The ratings were collected in the summer of 2011, at around the same time that most of the migrants completed the second follow-up. Emigrating Ingrian Finns and Russians. Ingrian Finns and Russians were participants of the INPRES project investigating the migration of Ingrian Finns and their family members to Fin- land between 2008 and 2011. The Ingrian Finns are mostly offspring of Finnish colonizers who settled down in Ingria (now Leningrad Oblast) in the 17th century. After the Russian conquest in 1703, many remigrated back to Finland. Of those who remained, many went missing in the forced population transfers before and after World War II, and many migrated to Finland soon after the breakdown of the Soviet Union in the first years of the 1990s. However, there are still about 30,000 Ingrian Finns remaining in Russia. After completing an official language test, Ingrian Finns are qualified for guaranteed habitation permit in the Finnish Law of Return. The baseline sample of the project consisted altogether of 325 potential migrants living in the Repub- lic of Karelia or the Leningrad area. We measured participants’ stereotype of Finns three times, once before migration (T0) and twice postmigration (T1 and T2). Premigration experience of Finland and attitude toward Finns were measured at T0 and experienced intergroup contact at T2. The T0 data were collected at the Finnish language courses that were part of the immigration training program organized by the Finnish authorities in Russia during April and May 2008. Everyone attending these courses (N = 192) completed the questionnaires in class. The language students were instructed to take home an additional questionnaire to be completed by family members (spouses) joining the respondent in Finland (N = 84). In addition, the questionnaire was mailed to those potential migrants who had already passed the mandatory language test and were waiting to be assigned a particular place of residence in Finland (N = 49). These participants were identified via the register of the Finnish Consulate in Russia (St. Petersburg), and they par- ticipated via post survey. The mean age of the participants at T0 was 43.1 years (SD = 14.4 years), ranging between 19 and 85 years. Most participants were married or cohabiting (70%) and had children (77%). Furthermore, most of them had full-time employment (61%), whereas only 3% were unemployed or temporarily dismissed at T0. Every second (46%) of these 325 participants thought that they would be able to migrate within the following 7 or 8 months. As the participants of the baseline study migrated to Finland according to their personal schedules, the follow-up data could not be collected at once. Instead, for the first postmigration assessment (T1), three searches from the Finnish population register were performed between October 2009 and December 2010 in order to include as many baseline participants as possible. Each round consisted of an initial request to participate, including the postmigration question- naires and a return envelope, followed by two reminders. The participants were identified by their name and date of birth. At the end of the third search, a total of 233 respondents (70%) of our baseline sample had migrated to Finland by December 2010, of whom 227 respondents took part in the study at T1.The mean age in the T1 follow-up sample was 44.3 years (SD = 13.9). Most participants were females (63%), and they were still married or cohabiting (69%). Despite their high level of education prior to migration (only 15% had no education beyond secondary school), they had not yet been employed in Finland but were typically unemployed (49%), on pension (10%), or studying (12%) at T1. The second follow-up (T2) was conducted 12 to 20 months after T1 assessment, using the same procedure as described above. In total, 194 (82% of all T0 participants that had migrated to Finland by December 2011 and 86% of T1 participants) migrants participated at T2. The mean age in the second follow-up sample was 45.4 years (SD = 13.4). Most participants were females (63%), were typically still married or cohabiting (62%), and were typically still unemployed (49%), on pension (8%), or studying (19%). In order to examine possible selection bias due to sample attrition, t tests on relevant demo- graphic factors (gender, age, marital status, socioeconomic status, employment status, level of education, Finnish language proficiency) and other T0 variables used in this study were per- formed. Our final sample did not differ in terms of sociodemographic factors or in terms of their responses to T0 scales from those respondents participating only at T0. For the analyses presented here, we included only participants who took part at all three mea- surement occasions—that is, 136 ethnic migrants (Ingrian Finns; 37 males, mean age at T0 = 44.4, SD = 14.1) and their 56 spouses (46 Russians and 10 participants of other ethnic origins from within the former Soviet region; 34 males, mean age = 40.6, SD = 11.1). We refer to these two groups of migrants as Ingrian Finns and Russians, respectively. The migrants had arrived in Finland between 3 and 15 months (Ingrian Finns: M = 9.6 months, SD = 3.9; Russians: M = 10.5 months, SD = 3.8) before the T1 assessment and between 13 and 28 months before the T2 assessment (Ingrian Finns: M = 22.0 months, SD = 4.1; Russians: M = 23.0 months, SD = 3.9). In both samples, the average time that had elapsed between T0 and T1 was 19 months, and the average time between T1 and T2 was 12 months. Representative sample of Finns. As a criterion for the accuracy of stereotypes of Finns, we used self-rating of values. These were gathered from strict probability samples, representative of the population 15 years and older, in the third round of the European Social Survey (ESS; Jowell & the Central Coordinating Team, 2007). Finland had 1,646 (782 males; mean age 48.2, SD = 18.6) participants. The data were collected in the fall of 2006. Measures Portraits Values Questionnaire. At the individual level, people in most cultures (recently 77; Schwartz, 2009) distinguish between at least 10 basic values. Schwartz (1992) has labeled these universal value types as benevolence, tradition, conformity, security, power, achievement, hedonism, stimulation, self-direction, and universalism. Our measure of the 10 basic values was the 21-item Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ21). It is based on descriptions of different people, whose goals, aspirations, and wishes are characterized in two sentences (Davidov, Schmith, & Schwartz, 2008). For example, the item “It is important to her to show her abilities. She wants people to admire what she does” measures achievement values. In the ESS, respon- dents indicate “how much like you this person is” by using a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (very much like me) to 6 (not like me at all). For the present study, all items were reverse scored, so that the higher the number, the stronger the agreement with the item. When two values or less were missing, the missing values were replaced using the regression method. By mistake, the PVQ21 was, in the migrant samples, administered using a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (not like me at all) to 5 (like me); the response option 6 (very much like me) was left outside the printable area of the questionnaire. To facilitate comparison between samples, scores of 5 or 6 were recoded into 5 in the Finnish student sample and in the ESS data. The average internal consistency reliability of our Finnish students’ ratings of the typical Finn was, across the 10 basic values, .57 (range = .23 [self-direction] to .84 [hedonism]). In the Ingrian Finn and Russian migrant samples, the corresponding ratings showed similar and acceptable levels of internal consistency reliability (average T0/T1/T2 αs = .56 [range = .29 (Stimulation) to .77 (Security)] / .53 [range = .16 (Stimulation) to .71 (Achievement)] / .60 [range = .28 (Stimulation) to .73 (Achievement)] and .62 [range = .40 (Achievement) to .81 (Security)] / .55 [range = .40 (Tradition) to .73 (Achievement)] / .61 [range = .44 (Power) to .79 (Conformity)], respectively). Although some of the reliabilities were low, this cannot be considered very surprising, as each of the basic values, despite representing broad constructs, is measured by only two items (three for universalism). The reliabilities are in line with the reliabilities reported in earlier studies (e.g., Schwartz, 2007; Schwartz & Rubel, 2005), sug- gesting no particular problems in the current samples or with the instructions to rate stereo- types. In fact, low alpha reliabilities may not threaten measurement validity; McCrae, Kurtz, Yamagata, and Terracciano (2011) demonstrated that internal consistency reliability is not related to various validity criteria. The PVQ21, like all other measures, was administered in the Russian language to our samples of Ingrian Finns and Russians. This may raise concerns regarding the comparability of scores on the Russian and Finnish translations of the PVQ21 (the Finnish student sample and the represen- tative sample of Finns responded in Finnish). Indeed, the Finnish and Russian translations of the PVQ21 display configural and partial metric invariance but not scalar invariance (Davidov, 2010). This allows re
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